The Iberian Studies group is intended to promote scholarly research and interdisciplinary approaches to the study of the peninsula from a multicultural and multilingual perspective.

Un manifiesto más

6 replies, 4 voices Last updated by  Edgar Illas 5 years ago
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  • #5264

    Adolfo Campoy-Cubillo
    Participant
    @acampoy

    Here is the link to the Una España Federal para una Europa Federal manifesto launched yesterday  for those interested in tracing the coincidences and divergences between national and transnational contemporary discourses around Iberia.

    http://file02.lavanguardia.com/2014/07/16/54411154592-url.pdf

    #5266

    Elisa Martí-López
    Participant
    @ema835

    Thank you, Adolfo, for bringing this important question to our forum.

    In line with Adolfo’s latest links, I am posting other links that frame the question of the “Catalan Problem” from different perspectives both ideologically and also territorially.

    The first “manifiesto” (the one prepared by Vargas Llosa and the FAES foundation and supported by other well-known people) as well as the one that supports a “federal” Spain, have been written from Madrid for very different reasons. The first manifesto does not hide its ideological debt to Francoist ideology for its concept of Spain and its repressive methods, very much attuned with the Partido Popular now in power. The second “manifiesto,” far from the ideological position of the first one, proposes –should I say one more time– the reconfiguration of Spain as a federal state inclusive of all its cultural peculiarities.

    The first “manifiesto” fails to acknowledge the profound democratic deficiencies that constitute Spain’s political institutions at the end of the “pacto de la transición,” and supports a concept of Spain as monolingual, culturally homogeneous, and politically centralist. No surprise here.

    The second one is unwilling to accept that the “peculiarities” found in Spain are not regional but national. This is why very often the Spanish “federalistas” deny Catalonia’s right to decide, a right all nations have (as in the case of Scotland in the United Kingdom).

    In the first link, Ramón Cotarelo (Professor of Political Science at the UNED who lives in Madrid) explains these “democratic deficiencies” and their relation to the “unwillingness” of many “progres” to acknowledge any nation but the Spanish one. Cotarelo argues this as someone who claims to be a “nacionalista español” –his words– who understands the political rights of all nations. [the video starts at minute 15′]

    The second link is another video where other well-known people in Catalonia explain the different reasons why they support Catalonia’s right to decide.

    Cordially,
    Elisa

    #5267

    Elisa Martí-López
    Participant
    @ema835

    Here are the links:
    1) Cotarelo presents Súmate

    2) Un Pais normal

    Elisa

    #5268

    Adolfo Campoy-Cubillo
    Participant
    @acampoy

    Thank you, Elisa.

    What I am most troubled about is that the FAES/Vargas Llosa manifesto suggests a separation between citizenship and national identity  that echoes the centralization of national identities that characterized the Enlightenment unproblematically.  There is an obvious attempt to co-opt any discourse of modernity that is not associated with a centralized civic national identity.

     

    Adolfo

    #5273

    Jennifer Duprey
    Participant
    @jeduprey6

    Thank you Aldolfo and Elisa for these two posts. I agree with Elisa in what she says about the Manifiesto. Indeed there are no surprises in their discourse, yet one remains baffled with statements like this one: “Reclamamos al Estado que aplique toda la ley y advierta con claridad de las consecuencias de violarla. Ninguna infracción debe quedar impune y ninguna sentencia puede ser desacatada.”

    #5274

    Adolfo Campoy-Cubillo
    Participant
    @acampoy

    Thank you Jennifer.

    You are right, although My concern is that while the punitive bravado of the paragraph you mentioned may not be shared by the bulk of the population, the more subtle yuxtaposition of citizenship vs peripheral national identities can easily fly below the radar.

    #5276

    Edgar Illas
    Participant
    @edgarillas

    Thank you all for your posts and comments. I would just like to add a couple of observations.

    On the significance of these manifestoes, my impression is that, in reality, they are inconsequential. I believe that one of the the fundamental errors that many intellectuals are making when it comes to the secession of Catalonia is to consider it a problem of nationalism. While Catalanism was primarily nationalist throughout the twentieth century, contemporary separatism no longer pursues the building of the nation (a nation that has been “naturalized” for quite a long time) or the decentralization and federalization of Spain. Separatism has simply cut off the legal, juridical, economic, and affective bonds with the state – but not with “Spain,” with the Spanish language, or with the Spaniards, of course, as we can see with the collective “Súmate” of the video posted by Elisa.

    In this shift from nationalism to separatism, temporalities have also changed. While nationalism worked toward the plenitude of a future Catalan nation, in an endless task of nation-building and of negotiation with the state, the political secession is, in a way, an event that has already taken place. That is, Catalan separatists have already cut off their ties with the state, and now they simply seek the international and juridical recognition of this fact. In this respect, there does not seem to be a lot that the state can do. A military intervention would be too risky within the EU, and too much financial coercion could be suicidal for Spain too. So perhaps Rajoy’s passiveness is, after all, the most democratic gesture! 🙂

    What is interesting is how these geopolitical events may change our collective project of Iberian Studies. On the one hand, they should not alter it in any substantial way, as the dialogue between Iberian cultures can continue whether we have two, three or more states in the Peninsula. On the other hand, however, it seems that this situation will at least temporarily make us focus more on questions of sovereignty and constitutional theory than on questions of culture and language. The posts of this forum might be an illustration of this!

    Best regards,

    Edgar

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